In considering questions of philosophy, one must be fully prepared to arrive at no conclusion, to labor to no end. These can be the most edifying questions one can ask, for the nature of things tends to be unfit for a hard and fast answer but it is in this pursuit that we can come to some understanding. When someone says, “good question,” it would be absurd to think that they meant that the question will lead to an easy answer, they mean the opposite.
Often the differences along party lines in American politics are settled, somewhat inconclusively, by calling the issue a “fundamental difference,” or a “philosophical difference.” And it is often the case that conversations concerning the morality of some legislation or the many ambiguities that can arise in politics, are abandoned by stating that the conversation has arrived at an impassable difference in philosophy.
This claim certainly makes sense in certain situations, an evolutionary biologist and a young earth creationist simply will not be able to speak constructively about the diet of the lichen clinging to searing volcanic rock 4.5 billion years ago. An impasse like this has come up in the Texas school system, but it is not confined to pre-history.
The Texas Board of Education recently revamped the social studies curriculum for grades K-12, as the board requires an update every ten years. The controversy surrounding the revisions has been the object of national media attention, because the belief is out there that the textbook contracts in Texas are so large that they influence the content on the national market. Despite consistent media conjecture on the contrary, an executive of the Association of American Publishers, Jay Diskey, called this an “urban myth.”
The revisions are controversial because of the distinctly conservative reading of American history they offer. An annotated list of the proposed additions was released by the Austin based Texas Tribune newspaper. Among the changes made in this round of revision are omissions and insertions that are so departed from an attempt at objective fact that the reader can only laugh at the egregiousness of the revisions, though its truly not funny.
One revision that is an entry into the whole body of them came in section 24, part B, the section on culture. Don McLeroy, a dentist from Bryan, Texas and a vocal member of the State Board of Education (SBOE), moved to cut hip hop from the curriculum and replace it with country and western music. This is not the most serious or, by any means, the most compelling proposed amendment but it offers a glimpse into the nature of the revisions.
McLeroy has been quoted as saying, “[Joseph] McCarthy – he was basically vindicated.” Then, when asked about that quote, he admitted, “I’m not a historian on [McCarthyism]. I’m just a dentist from Bryan.” McLeroy is among a seven member social conservative voting bloc on the fifteen-member board that is deliberating the revisions. This conservative voting bloc makes opposition to their ideals mathematically improbable.
One African Amercian member, Lawrence Allen, had to engage a long debate to veto McLeroy’s suggested deletion of hip hop. McLeroy’s suggestion eventually failed, but he did manage a subtle syntactical victory for this cultural crusade; he put country and western at the end of the sentence, instead of hip hop which had ended the sentence. This by no means relegates hip hop to a lesser position than it was. Also it is largely irrelevant since both genres, being preceded by the phrase “such as,” are only suggestions for teachers to teach or disregard as they see fit.
This almost clandestine attempt to create a history of America with a conservative lean is not something that should be overlooked. These revisions becoming a national issue through textbook dissemination has been called an “urban myth”, and I will assume that it is. Regardless, the education of 4.7 million Texas students, even if inculcated with conservative propaganda in the vast quarantine of that state, is still certainly a national issue.
To better communicate the broader issues raised, here is a laundry list of revisions in no particular order: Emphasizing the role of Christianity in the development of the nation; minimizing the role of feminists, persons of ethnicity and anyone with socialist, Marxist or other non-standard political orientations; dropping Tuskegee airmen commander Benjamin Davis from a list of important WWII leaders; omitting the impact of third party candidates on recent elections; changing “American imperialism” to “American expansionism”; changing “capitalism” to “free enterprise system” and, changing “Soviet expansion” to “Soviet aggression.”
Section 13, part B states that students are expected to, “analyze the causes and effects of changing demographic patterns resulting from legal and illegal immigration to the United States.” The addition, by McLeroy, is the phrase “legal and illegal.” The previous version did not have the phrase “legal and illegal,” and now this section means something considerably different than it had. This is a relevant issue for Texans without a doubt, but is this revision necessary? Does it contribute to an objective understanding of immigration’s impact on America? Is it an overt avenue for jingoistic readings of immigration in America?
This is all rather tragic and in the past. The questions that arise become broader and more intellectually challenging when the implications of this culture war over the minds of the young are analyzed from a remove. The conservative board members largely claim to be balancing out the disproportionate amount of liberal influence in the textbook industry in the past. Is the intellectual community pursuing an agenda of left-wing empowerment or glorification? Or are conservatives anti-intellectualists? A question asked by Bill Ames, a curriculum re-writer appointed by McLeroy, in the title of an article he wrote in November of 2009 wondered, “Have Liberal Activists Hijacked Texas’ Social Studies Curriculum Process?” This is the kind of thinking that has led to the severe polarization and incommunicable split along party lines that has happened to Texas and allowed one side to essentially rewrite American history for the children in its public schools. An article from January, 2010 in The Ellis County Observer, a right-leaning Texas newspaper, stated that,
Social studies is the primary avenue of left-wing propaganda into our
schools. This is where they portray America as an evil country, bowdlerize
our religious heritage and clutter the biographies of George Washington
and Sam Houston with scores of marginal, politically correct token figures
chosen primarily because of their race or gender.
Is the truth aligned with one party line or the other? The social studies books won’t be the last sources the majority of Texas students read about American history. But for some of them, it inevitably will.
This is the national issue: an elected and very powerful board of education is dictating an interpretation of history that is nothing if not highly conservative, and this will be taught to 4.7 million students. Conservatism seems to carry with it a willingness to ignore America transgression, aggression, and mistakes in the interest of emphasizing its importance, beauty, freedom and uniqueness. This is contrary to the purpose of history, which is to learn from the past. The method advocated by Don McLeroy and his collaborators of teaching history uses the past to perpetuate a status quo, to emphasize the nation’s exceptionalism rather than the sometimes horrifying means the nation’s leaders have used to achieve our rather enviable niche in the world. Means for which there exists an expansive historical precedent in the history books McLeroy should probably read before he writes his own. The parts McLeroy would cut out, the feminists, Cesar Chavez, etc., are the parts for which the historical precedent is small. These are the things that make America’s history exceptional in a different sense: as a land of exceptional equality for a number of philosophies and worldviews.